|Digest: Solidarity initiatives and CSOs civic & operational space in Lebanon during the lockdown of January-March 2021||Lebanon Support||June, 2021||
This digest provides an overview of the main data trends from the 2nd iteration of a mapping on solidarity initiatives in Lebanon following the Beirut’s blast on 4 August 2020. This iteration focuses on the civic space and CSOs operational space in Lebanon during the Covid-19 related lockdown and state of emergency between January and March 2021.
Data was collected by Lebanon Support between 23 January to 4 March 2021, based on a survey of 119 civil society organisations and initiatives.
The mapping is developed in partnership with the Fondation de France.
|Civil Society, Solidarity, Humanitarian Intervention, Civic Space|
|المراكز البحثية ودورها في صنع السياسة الخارجية المغربية||Rachid El-Bazzim, Amal El Houasni||April, 2021||
نسعى في هذه الدراسة إلى بلورة مقارَبة تأخذ بالمنهج الوظيفي من خلال دراسة وظائف المراكز البحثية وأدوارها في صنع السياسة الخارجية المغربية، إضافة إلى قدرات الوصف والتحليل لمعالجة هذا الموضوع، وذلك انطلاقاً من رصد السياقات التي عرفت نشأة المراكز البحثية المذكورة وتكاثرها، مرتكزين على محاور الاقتصاد السياسي للبحث وتحولات الأبحاث في مجال العلوم الاجتماعية
|Research Centers, Think Tanks, Foreign Policy, Knowledge, Scientific Research, Universities|
|The October 2019 Protests in Lebanon: Between Contention and Reproduction||Marie-Noëlle AbiYaghi, Léa Yammine||July, 2020||
The Lebanese power sharing consociational system has structurally engendered recurring protest cycles: student mobilisations, labour and union mobilising, left-wing collectives, as well as a more routinised associative sector. In a long temporality, and looking at these movements in a longitudinal approach, changes they appear to be seeking appear to be marginal or quite limited, which may lead to the observation that contentious movements play the role of mere relief outlet within the system they are challenging, hence, contributing to the permanence of the social and political structures they are challenging.
|Social Movements, Civil Society, October Protests, Civic Space, Lebanon|
|Gulf States’ Humanitarian Assistance for Syrian Refugees in Lebanon||Susanne Schmelter||January, 2019||
The humanitarian engagement of Gulf States has globally increased over the last two decades. This trend also manifests itself in Lebanon, where the displacement from Syria has lead to an unprecedented growth of Lebanon’s diverse humanitarian sector. Due to the weakness of state institutions and the absence of a concerted government strategy, UN-institutions took a leading role in the coordination of international and local NGOs. However, numerous Gulf-funded organisations function largely outside the UN-coordinated response and rely on their own coordination structures. This paper explores these structures and characteristics of humanitarian assistance for Syrians displaced in Lebanon running primarily on Gulf funding. Thereby it focuses particularly on two umbrella organisations, URDA and I’tilaf, that are largely Gulf-funded and coordinate the work of numerous faith-based humanitarian organisations. Based on ethnographic field research – which was mainly conducted in 2014 and 2016 – the paper examines positions and negotiations within these humanitarian structures. These ethnographic insights are completed by an analysis of the available data and literature on Islamic charitable giving and funding trends in Lebanon. Coordination among the different humanitarian actors has repeatedly been a matter of complaint and discussion in both interviews and international reports: The lack of comprehensive coordination structures, the subsequent inefficiency in the use of funds, and the unsatisfying inclusion of local stakeholders are among the main points of critique. Here, Gulf-funded humanitarian assistance for Syrian refugees in Lebanon shows alternative models and approaches in regard to operating standards, administrative procedures, planning, reporting, and contact to the local population. Yet, ad hoc deliveries with few administrative procedures and a lack of transparency simultaneously expose the Gulf donors also to accusations of the misuse of funds and diminish accountability towards donors, beneficiaries and possible cooperation partners. This, finally, raises questions regarding the possibilities of the multilateral system to provide forums for exchange, efficient coordination, and mediation between conflicting positions.
|Syrian Displacement, Lebanon, Humanitarianism, Coordination Structures, Gulf Donors, Islamic Charities|
|Civil Society in Lebanon: the Implementation Trap||Marie-Noëlle AbiYaghi, Léa Yammine, Amreesha Jagarnathsingh||January, 2019||
In Lebanon, civil society has played an important role throughout history and saw a significant rise during the Chehabist developmentalist era (1958-1964), with the creation of voluntary-run associations that sought to steer away from sectarian identities, while adopting broad development objectives. The Civil War period (1975-1990) witnessed a realignment of the modes of actions towards services and relief efforts. After the Civil War, the civil society sector continued expanding (Kingston, 2008: 1), with civil society organisations bolstering their modes of action to encompass human rights and advocacy efforts. Archives show that an average of 250 organisations was created per year in the early nineties, post civil war era (Karam Karam in Ben Nefissa, 2002: 58). Figures from Daleel Madani, suggest a peak in NGO creation after each of the – recurring – humanitarian crisis that the country witnesses. Hence, following the Israeli War on Lebanon in 2006 and the conflict in Syria in 2011, the associative sector saw a proliferation of new initiatives, campaigns, and organisations. An average of 50 registration requests to Daleel Madani’s Civil Society Directory are received on a monthly basis.
|Civil Society; Lebanon; NGOization; Civil Society Development; NGOs; CSOs; Nonprofit Sector|
|Understanding State Incorporation of the Workers' Movement in Early Post-War Lebanon and its Backlash on Civil Society||Lea Bou Khater||January, 2019||
This paper analyses the part played by the organised workers’ movement in the political and economic struggle for change in Lebanon during the first decade of the post-civil war period. It seeks to explain the trajectory of the workers’ movement, represented by the General Confederation of Workers in Lebanon (GCWL), and their successes and failures during the period in question. It investigates the structure and legal framework within which trade unions and leagues were created, as well as their past political affiliations or alliances. In doing so, the research examined labour provisions, the structural framework of the organised workers’ movement, GCWL documents as well as newspaper archives, which reveal different facets of state-labour relations in Lebanon. As such, the paper begins by briefly charting the main issues affecting state-labour relations, then goes on to advance that the workers’ movement was significantly weakened by state and the ruling elite intervention, repression, and eventually, state incorporation.
|Trade Unions; Labour Movement; State Incorporation; Mobilisation; Wage-earners; GCWL|
|Advocating for Change in the Arab World: Successes and Failures of Lebanon’s Civil Society||Elie Al Hindy , Tania Haddad , Maria Njaim||December, 2018||
This paper aims at presenting how three selected civil society organisations advocate for change, as well as the tools and skills they utilise. It also attempts to analyse the factors at play in the successes of their campaigns. The paper employs a qualitative method, identifying the different internal and external factors that make some campaigns more effective than others. The paper argues that campaigns were only successful when a number of these factors were present and when the policies put forward did not pose a threat to major political interests.
|Associations; Civil Society; Advocacy; Associations; Lebanon; Public Policies|
|Les projets collectifs de développement en Palestine : Diffusion de la vulgate néolibérale et normalisation de la domination||Sbeih Sbeih||October, 2018||
Au lendemain de la création de l’Autorité palestinienne en 1994, une multitude d’acteurs se met à réaliser des projets collectifs de coopération au développement sous l’égide des bailleurs de fonds internationaux . L’analyse d’un projet financé par la Banque mondiale illustre la façon dont le projet devient un réseau de pouvoir, qui produit aussi bien les normes gestionnaires que les mécanismes nécessaires à leur application auprès des bénéficiaires de l’aide . Cela contribue à transfigurer le développement en une croyance dominante, fondée sur une lecture néolibérale et post-conflit de la société palestinienne . Au nom de la coordination pour la « bonne gouvernance,» cette mise en réseau structure le cadre de l’interaction des bénéficiaires de l’aide, tout en construisant un nouvel espace social : le « monde du développement.» Si l’adhésion des acteurs locaux à cette croyance se traduit par leur intériorisation des normes rationnelles, elle entraîne une nouvelle manière de percevoir la réalité sociale . De ce fait, un nouveau système de valeurs s’établit . Une nouvelle hiérarchie sociale s’instaure dans la « Palestine des bailleurs de fonds,» au sommet de laquelle se trouvent les bailleurs internationaux . Si l’article se fonde sur le cas palestinien, il aborde une thématique globale, celle de l’instrumentalisation de la « société civile » par les organisations internationales afin d’instaurer l’économie de marché dans les pays dépendants de l’aide dédiée au développement.
|Projet, Gouvernance, Réseau, Aide au Développement, ONGs, Palestine|
|Politics of Care and Social Responses in the July 2006 War: a Special Focus on Local Faith-Based Organisations*||Estella Carpi||August, 2016||
This paper examines the politics of care of international and local humanitarian actors, as well as the social responses to their intervention in the southern suburbs of Beirut (Dahiye) during the Israeli shelling in the summer of 2006. Through in-depth interviews and ethnographic participant observation methods (2011-2013), this paper illustrates how short-term foreign provision of aid differs from the continuous efforts of some local providers to support their communities on a daily basis, unearth different approaches to states of emergency and responses to crisis and demonstrate how the international-local dyad plays out in a very complex way on the ground.
|Lebanon, Beirut's Southern Suburb, International Development, humanitarian aid, Aid Distribution, faith based NGOs|
|France and Eastern Christians: beneath a controversial mobilisation||Camille Lons||June, 2016||
This paper explores the relationship between France and Eastern Christians while analysing how the rise of the Islamic State in 2014 has prompted French mobilisation in favor of Christian communities within the areas. Viewing Christians communities as the roots of their culture, French politicians and civil society organisations have come to the rescue of Eastern Christians. Despite this, the policies favoring Eastern Christians do not come without their own political agenda and ideological foundations. In turn, this challenges the neutrality of French humanitarianism.
|Eastern Christians, France, Mobilisation, Refugee Crises|